The Left: Robespierre did nothing wrong

Discussion in 'The Mainboard' started by bricktop, Jan 17, 2017.

  1. Name P. Redacted

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  2. Shawn Hunter

    Shawn Hunter Vote Corey Matthews for Congress
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  3. Pile Driving Miss Daisy

    Pile Driving Miss Daisy It angries up the blood
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    Many of those questions are the same you get on the politicalcompass.org site and damn near most non-hardcore right wing inbreds, at least that I've come across, wind up in the leftist categories. I think your political leanings are way too complicated to answer in 40 questions, but at the same time I think that this is where so many of us slam on heads against the wall at how a single payer government ran healthcare system is now popular but you can't even get Nancy Pelosi to show a spine even once and acknowledge it.

    If you frame issues of higher taxes on the rich and social service funding as altruistic you get massive buy-in.
     
    #13803 Pile Driving Miss Daisy, Jun 25, 2020
    Last edited: Jun 26, 2020
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  4. The Banks

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    (insert overton curve)
     
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  5. Redav

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    Yeah and it even has few of those questions were I'm not sure what they were getting at like the left right plot one. For instance the one that said something like "the government should do what is correct, even if it's not popular" which I could see going in a bunch of different directions so I just stayed neutral on that one
     
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  6. timo

    timo g'day, mate
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    What kind of list did I put myself on by taking that quiz?
     
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    Jax Teller Well-Known Member
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    Truman ordered the deficit myth and sent it to my friend. We will see how it goes.
     
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    The one where everyone on it gets tons of pussy
     
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  10. Can I Spliff it

    Can I Spliff it Is Butterbean okay?
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    Oh god its going to happen too
     
  11. fucktx

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  12. brolift

    brolift 2sweet
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    Yeah but she is the first girl boss.
     
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  14. *DIESEL*

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  15. Truman

    Truman Well-Known Member
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    I need this translated to me
     
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    Army recruiters and pedos on discord agree on the quoted sentiment
     
  17. steamengine

    steamengine I don’t want to press one for English!
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    What does it mean
     
  18. Name P. Redacted

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    I hate this so so much
     
  19. Prospector

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    https://www.chronicle.com/article/you-can-t-trust-the/249087

    You Can’t Trust the Businessmen on the Board of Trustees
    A century ago, Thorstein Veblen explained why
    [​IMG]

    The Granger Collection

    Just over a century ago, the same year that the Spanish flu struck millions around the world, the American sociologist Thorstein Veblen diagnosed a malady of a different sort: the control of universities by businessmen. “Plato’s classic scheme of folly,” he wrote, “which would have the philosophers take over the management of affairs, has been turned on its head; the men of affairs have taken over the direction of the pursuit of knowledge. To anyone who will take a dispassionate look at this modern arrangement it looks foolish, of course — ingeniously foolish.”
    Veblen was the first sociologist of academe to notice the enormous and pernicious power wielded by university trustees from the business world. Many criticize the inflated salaries and power of university administrators and presidents, but for the first time in recent history there is a growing recognition that universities should not be run by the corporate executives who sit on their boards of trustees. Many academics are perpetually shocked by the depredations of corporate boards — the defunding of university presses, the adjunctification of the faculty, and the evisceration of the liberal arts — but Veblen would not have been surprised. The thesis he defended in 1918 is still true today: Scientific and scholarly inquiry are incompatible with the business values of profit maximization, efficiency, and consumer satisfaction.

    Boards of trustees still have almost complete authority to choose university presidents, and determine budget allocations and the administrative structure of the university.

    Today, Veblen is best remembered for his Theory of the Leisure Class (1899), in which he coined the term "conspicuous consumption." But we ought also to remember him for The Higher Learning in America: A Memorandum on the Conduct of Universities by Business Men, his prescient study of American higher education, first published in 1918. He observed the destructive effects of many phenomena that could easily come from contemporary headlines: extravagant salaries for athletic coaches and presidents, efforts by administrators to privilege campus amenities and nonacademic diversions, increasing reliance on underpaid part-time instructors, the elimination of core requirements under the mantra of student choice, overreliance on dubious statistical measures of teaching and learning efficiency, a vast proliferation of bureaucratic administrators, and the substitution of careerism for the pursuit of knowledge.

    When Veblen published The Higher Learning, wealthy industrial barons were funneling their fortunes into a new system of higher education, and the universities where Veblen worked — Cornell, the University of Chicago, Stanford — were all founded by the wealth of the new American Gilded Age. Ezra Cornell was a telegraph mogul, John D. Rockefeller an oil magnate, and Leland Stanford a railroad tycoon. The 20th-century American university was built by a new type of patron.

    Veblen saw that the wealth of industrial capitalism promoted universities dedicated to advancing business interests. This led to an irresolvable contradiction between “the pursuit of learning and the work of preparation for the professions,” since “the training given by these two lines of endeavor — science and business — is wholly divergent.” While the pursuit of wealth seeks profit and prestige, the pursuit of knowledge seeks the fulfillment of curiosity.

    This contradiction is what Richard F. Teichgraeber III, editor of the 2015 edition of The Higher Education, calls the “thesis of cultural incompatibility.” In Veblen’s time, this contradiction manifested itself in the university’s adoption of new managerial forms of training and evaluation. Letter grades and course-credits were introduced to provide precise calculations of intellectual inquiry; the current dominance of standardized and multiple-choice testing is largely an inheritance of the same early 20th-century “science” of management that nearly all universities now accept. Veblen protested the use of letter grades and statistical appraisals of knowledge or learning; he would randomly switch As to Cs and vice versa. "My grades are like lightning," he once said. "They are liable to strike anywhere."

    While such protests might appear quixotic, they stem from Veblen’s decades-long study of the sociology of higher education. Veblen’s pedagogy, like his scholarship, takes a stand against the corporatization of the pursuit of knowledge. When boards of trustees are almost entirely composed of “bankers” and “businessmen,” business values control the very functioning of the university itself: its financial structure, the nature of campus life, and its ultimate purpose. Veblen believed the encroachment of these values must be fought on every front.

    Such a sweeping critique of the university might sound anachronistic. But contemporary statistics tell an alarming story. Today, on the boards of trustees at the universities where Veblen worked, business professionals — almost exclusively corporate financiers and "businessmen," with little to no experience in higher education — make up over 80 percent of governing boards. Faculty members make up less than 2 percent of the board of trustees at Yale, Cornell, Stanford, and the University of Chicago. Corporate financiers and business professionals outnumber the faculty by a magnitude greater than 100 to 4. Boards of trustees still have almost complete authority to choose university presidents, determine budget allocations, and set the administrative structure of the university.

    These trustees bring the managerial models of the business world, prioritizing growth, customer satisfaction, and optics. Thus colleges are transformed into vocational schools under the mantra of practicality; undergraduates are entertained with “scholastic accessories” that prepare them to live lives of conspicuous consumption; and the university — because it is modeled on the culture of business — becomes committed to the all-consuming manufacture of prestige, publicity, and the management of endowments.

    Boards of trustees should include undergraduates, graduate students, community members, and professors from all departments.

    Corporate influence also directly affects the nature of scholarly research. To take just one example, research on psychiatric medication is routinely funded and shaped by the corporations who sell these medications. As John P.A. Ioannidis, an epidemiologist at Stanford’s School of Medicine, wrote in an article in 2011, “Much research is conducted for reasons other than the pursuit of truth. Conflicts of interest abound, and they influence outcomes. In health care, research is often performed at the behest of companies that have a large financial stake in the results. . . . This is an embarrassment. Increased investment in evidence-based clinical and population research, for instance, should be designed not by industry but by scientists free of material conflicts of interest.”

    In a time of crisis, it’s tempting merely to identify the disparate symptoms of dysfunction without perceiving a fundamental cure or cause. Veblen, however, suggests that there is one principal disease at the heart of higher education — the businessmen who hold near complete power over the university. If we want to champion a democratic higher education, we must also democratize the composition of boards of trustees. They should include undergraduates, graduate students, community members, and professors from all departments. If universities want to preserve a distinctive identity based on the pursuit of knowledge and the cultivation of intellectual curiosity and freedom, the values of corporate America cannot be allowed to permeate the academy.

    Otherwise, the postpandemic university will be shaped entirely in the image of the boards of trustees. Already, faculty, staff, and students across the country are being asked to bear the burden of drastic austerity measures which aim to further restructure higher education. Veblen teaches us that there is an unavoidable conflict between the interests of businessmen and the interests of knowledge. The pandemic will force us to choose which side we are on.

    Nick Romeo writes for The Washington Post, The New Yorker, and many other publications. Follow him @Nickromeoauthor. Ian Tewksbury, a Classics Ph.D. student at Stanford University, researches ancient philosophy and also writes for the Daily Beast and Newsweek. Follow him @TewksburyIan.
     
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  21. Prospector

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    AT&T argues being misleading about data plans isn't misleading because reporters caught them
    [​IMG]


    Ajit Pai is a lawyer, which begs the question: What exactly IS intelligence?
    One of the grand tricks the telecom industry was able to achieve by getting its henchman, Ajit Pai, into the majority chairman position in the FCC was to kill net neutrality protections. The most special part of this was Pai’s argument that the FCC did not have the power to enforce, and should not have the power to enforce, any regulations on the telecommunications landscape. Of course, this was something that Pai then argued against when states like California and local governments began taking the argument to its logical conclusion and moving towards creating consumer protections for their citizens. It has also meant that any move Pai and his worthless FCC have made is merely a suggestion that most internet service providers (ISP) can ignore depending on how they’re feeling.

    One of the battles fought before Trump came to office and destroyed net neutrality protections was getting companies like AT&T and Verizon to pony up for misleading consumers about their “unlimited” data plans. These plans would subsequently get throttled (i.e., the consumer’s service would be greatly slowed down) if the person paying for the unlimited plan had the audacity to take advantage and try to use their unlimited data. The point of actions like the FCC’s 2014 lawsuit against AT&T was to point out that you cannot tell consumers something is “unlimited” and then put very real caps and limits on it. That is, by definition, fraud.



    In 2019, AT&T was able to settle with Ajit Pai’s FCC for a “wrist slap” of $60 million while being allowed to say they admitted no fault on their part. Keep in mind that in 2015, AT&T was fined $100 million by a Democratic-led FCC for the very same behavior.

    In the neutered FCC era under Trump, cities and states have had to band together to sue the big telecommunications companies in order to try and get some consumer satisfaction. They have had to fight against the FCC, a body that is supposed to be on the consumer’s side, at every turn. TechDirt reports that AT&T is taking the “nothing is real” propaganda of our current White House administration and FCC into the court room to fight against its decades of consumer abuses and misleading advertising.

    In a May filing, AT&T now argues that because reporters and other consumer watchdogs were reporting on the telecom giant’s misleading and abusive behavior towards consumers by offering up “unlimited” plans that were everything except “unlimited,” they can’t be have been misleading. You see how that works? People reported on AT&T throttling the speeds of consumers with unlimited plans, and therefore these things weren’t a secret!
     
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  22. Prospector

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    AT&T promised cheap TV service in order to get their merger through: They just ended that
    AT&T is a prime example of how the conservative economic view of the world does not work out for anyone other than the top one percent. After being gifted tens of billions of dollars in the Republican tax giveaway, the telecom giant has proceeded to layoff thousands upon thousands of workers. In fact, since the 2017 tax “cuts,” every couple of months AT&T announces new rounds of layoffs and store closures. When AT&T was set to merge with Time Warner at the beginning of 2017, the Trump administration put up a big theatrical production about being tough on the clear monopoly, all the while never really having any seeming intention of blocking it. In fact, it came out later that many of Trump’s closest allies were wetting their beaks, getting some of that famed pay to play money behind the scenes, from AT&T.

    There were all kinds of reasons to not allow AT&T and Time Warner to merge, not least of all the terrible track record that AT&T (and frankly every other telecom in the United States) has of failing to complete any of the promises they make. Promises they break when taking taxpayer money to do things like deliver low-income internet access. But AT&T made a lot of promises and they got their merger through. Now, Jared Newman over at Fast Company reports that AT&T promise to offer up a cheap streaming service, Watch TV, has been abandoned. In one respect, having offered the service for over a year, AT&T almost tripled the amount of time it pretended to keep one of its promises!

    In order to get the merger through, AT&T argued that there would not be price hikes—there have been and continue to be relentless price hikes. They promised that their ownership of the new content they would acquire in the merger would not lead to leveraging that content to drive viewership away from other streaming services in competition with them—that was a lie.

    AT&T’s merger has not helped the telecom company make the television splash they had hoped. The billions in debt that they acquired in the merger has been the main reason cited for the tens of thousands of layoffs they have made over the past two years. Maybe they just need another $42 billion tax break?
     
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  23. Anison

    Anison Fair and square
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  24. MORBO!

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  25. Anison

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    If it wasn’t in the 8 Political Values Test, I didn’t see it. ;-)
     
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    guess i need to read this book
     
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    Donald Trump electorally broke the GOP

    Daily Kos Staff
    Monday July 13, 2020 · 1:34 PM CDT
    Ideologically, the GOP isn’t broken. Today’s Republican Party is the honest representation of everything its ideology celebrated—government so small you could drown it in a bathtub, unable to respond to a global mass-death pandemic. Racism so central to its core, that a key Trump reelection plank is defending the confederacy. An utter disdain for science and experts so deep that we are the global leaders in mismanaging the coronavirus pandemic, and have lost over 130,000 people (and counting) as a result.

    But electorally? Donald Trump has been the worst thing to happen to the Republican Party since Richard Nixon.
    2016: Trump was selected in our country’s bizarrely undemocratic Electoral College (thank you, Alexander Hamilton), in an election that otherwise saw Democrats gain two seats in the Senate (in Illinois and New Hampshire) as well as six seats in the House (though remaining in a deep 241-194 minority). Given the sturm und drang of the year’s election, the tight results ended up representing a sort of stalemate. Unfortunately, Trump squeaked through, and the world was turned upside down.

    The TL;DR:

    2016 2019 DIFFERENCE
    U.S. SENATE
    54-46 R 53-47 R D+1
    U.S. HOUSE 241-194 R 235-199 D D+41
    GOVERNOR 33-16 R 26-24 R D+8
    STATE LEGISLATORS 4,121-3,164 R 3,834-3,442 R D+278
    STATE LEGISLATURES 68-30 R 59-39 R D+9
    2017: The first big electoral battle of the Trump era was in late 2017, filling the Alabama Senate seat of Jeff Sessions, off on his ill-fated turn as Trump’s first attorney general. Democrats picked up this seat, in a state that Trump won 62-34. Sure, Republicans had nominated child predator Roy Moore, but even that was a reflection of modern GOP priorities—that Republican had made his name by unconstitutionally insisting that a statue of the Ten Commandments be displayed in the rotunda of the Alabama Judicial Building. Performative piety trumped, in the minds of Republican voters, any history of sexually assaulting teenagers.

    We had the epic battle in Georgia’s 6th Congressional District, as Republican Karen Handel narrowly won a historically deep-red district in suburban Atlanta, a seat Republicans had easily won 62-38 just a year prior. This was the first sign of the suburban realignment that has wrecked GOP electoral chances since 2016. The Democratic nominee, Jon Ossoff, got 46% of the vote, and laid the foundation that Democratic nominee Lucy McBath built upon when winning the seat two years later.

    Democrats also won the two governorships on the calendar—New Jersey, where Chris Christie had stunk up the joint for eight years, and Virginia, at a time when Republicans still thought the state was competitive, and when they still held legislative majorities. Again, the suburbs played a starring role. Things were shifting, but was it a blip? The sample size was too small.

    2018: The first midterm in a president’s service is always a bit of a blood bath. According to Gallup, presidents under 50% approval ratings averaged 37 seats in the House. Trump never came close to sniffing 50%, and by October 2018, he sat at 40%, according to Gallup.

    Ultimately, Democrats exceeded that historical average with a 41-seat pickup, despite dealing with Republican-written district maps in most of the country, designed to give their candidates unfair advantages.

    Luckily for Republicans, the Senate map was heavily tilted in their favor, with Democrats defending twice as many seats, and in tough states like North Dakota and Missouri. When the dust settled, Republicans gained a net two seats—winning in deep-red states of Indiana, Missouri, and North Dakota, while also winning a heartbreaker squeaker (as usual) in Florida. Meanwhile, Democrats presaged their new strength in the Sun Belt by picking up seats in traditionally red Arizona and Nevada. Also importantly, Democrats held their Senate ground in red Montana, as well as the midwestern states that Trump rode to victory—Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. Republicans also made a bid for two seats in Minnesota, where Trump had narrowly lost in 2016, but those races weren’t even close.

    Democrats picked up seven governorships—Illinois, Kansas, Maine, Michigan, Nevada, New Mexico, and Wisconsin. That shifted the Republican advantage nationwide from 33-16 to 27-23. Again, we saw the reversal of Republican fortunes in their critical midwestern Trump states. It’s no accident that Trump won those previously Dem-leaning states. They picked up governorships and the legislature in Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin in the 2010 Republican wave, and proceeded to gerrymander themselves into safe majorities and undermine voting rights and organized labor over the subsequent decade. Democrats finally get them all back.

    Democrats gained seats in 62 state legislative chambers, and lost seats in only 10, for a net gain of 309 seats. Democrats flipped control of six chambers—Colorado Senate, Maine Senate, Minnesota House, New Hampshire House and Senate, and New York Senate. Democrats gained supermajorities in both chambers in California, Illinois, and Oregon, boosting their full-control total to seven states. They also won a supermajority in the Nevada Assembly. Republicans lost their full legislative supermajority in North Carolina, leaving them with 16, and lost supermajorities in the Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Texas Senates.

    Speaking of Texas, Republican Sen. Ted Cruz barely hung on to his Senate seat, by a measly two points. In Texas. The reason? The suburbs!

    In a coup for Democrats, Tuesday night proved that Harris County has ceded its title of the biggest battleground in Texas. Democrats ended a long streak of remarkably thin electoral margins in the state’s biggest county in 2016 when it awarded Hillary Clinton more than a 12-point margin of victory. O’Rourke grew that advantage this year by several more points.

    Perhaps more notable was O’Rourke’s performance in neighboring Fort Bend County, another suburb that had long been considered red but is in the battleground category now.

    The most ethnically diverse in the United States, Fort Bend swung by 12 points in the Democrats’ column in 2016. It was an electoral flip that Democrats hoped would be a sign of things to come, particularly given that the county’s demographics could help it turn this diverse pocket of Texas reliably purple in the future. If Abbott’s razor-thin margin of victory — just .3 percent — and losses by other statewide Republicans are any indication, future elections don’t bode well for the GOP.

    Democrats won every elected county-wide office in Harris (Houston) and all but one in Dallas Counties.

    2019: With governorships in Kentucky, Louisiana, and Mississippi on the docket, it should’ve been an easy year for Republicans, right? Not in the era of Trump.

    Democrats held their governorship in Louisiana, a state Trump had won 58-38 in 2016, and picked up the governorship in Kentucky, a state Trump won 63-33. The Mississippi governor’s race had no business being competitive, and yet Republicans held on by only a 52-47 margin. Trump had won the state 58-40.

    Once again, the suburbs came through for Democrats, with the Cincinnati suburbs on the Kentucky side of the border coming through big for Democrats. And in Louisiana:

    At the state legislative level, Democrats won control of both chambers of the Virginia legislature, while losing ground in Mississippi and Louisiana.

    But the most devastating Democratic defeat of 2019 was in Wisconsin, were Democrats came just short of picking up a 10-year term on the state’s Supreme Court, a failure that will haunt them for … a decade.

    2020: If 2019 was a heartbreaker in Wisconsin, 2020 was … invigorating. Not only did Democrats pick up one of those 10-year terms on the Wisconsin Supreme Court, but they did so by double-digit margins, in the face of Republican obstruction forcing the election to take place in the COVID-infested Democratic stronghold of Milwaukee. The results were not only encouraging on their own merits (the GOP’s advantage on the court has been whittled down to 4-3), but also for what they presaged for November, as Wisconsin has seen some of the tightest results in recent years.

    And that brings us up to date, as the GOP’s eroding base of support among suburban white women, along with increased engagement among Democratic core constituencies (youth, voters of color, and single women), threaten to bring the whole edifice of the GOP crashing down.

    In the presidential race, Trump is well on his way to losing, and losing big. He wove an impossibly tight path to 270 Electoral Votes in 2016, and that avenue appears closed to him. The big drama? Will Trump even salvage Texas? Yes, yes, we can’t be complacent. No one is breathing easy or taking a vacation. But the reality is that Trump is in deep, deep trouble, and nothing in the news, from the coronavirus to the racial justice protest movement, is giving him any hope for recovery.

    And the GOP malaise is seeping down-ballot, where Republicans haven’t just given up on the House: they may lose even more seats. In the Senate, GOP chances of holding the chamber already look slim, and the chances of a complete and utter rout increase by the day. Democratic fundraising is going gangbusters, and pickup opportunities look solid in Arizona, Colorado, Maine, and North Carolina, and are about even in Iowa, Montana, and Georgia (where two seats are up for grabs). Meanwhile, Democrats have longer-shot chances in a growing number of states—Alaska, Kansas, South Carolina, and Texas. Meanwhile, Democrats risk losing a single seat—that Alabama seat they picked up in 2017.

    That’s 11 Republican seats currently competitive, and just one that is Democratic. Democrats need a net pickup of three seats and the presidency to take over the Senate. A four seat net pickup would be a clean majority.

    Democrats are continuing to focus on state legislative races as they erode the GOP’s ability to draw state and federal legislative districts for this decade. Arizona, Iowa, Michigan, Minnesota, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, and Texas are in particular focus, though as the GOP’s national standing worsens, new opportunities in Florida, Georgia, Kansas, Montana, West Virginia, and Wisconsin are emerging.

    So is Trump’s pro-Confederate statue campaign really going to turn all this around? What about another 150,000 coronavirus deaths by Election Day? Additional economic devastation, with Republicans holding up government assistance in the Senate? How about calling Black Lives Matter a “symbol of hate”? Or pretending that there’s such a thing as “Obamagate”?

    Republicans tied themselves to Trump, who in turn brought out all of the GOP’s dog whistles into the open. And yes, the Republican Party’s white male base lapped up the racism and xenophobia and hatred for all things smart and learned. But it turns out they were dog whistles for a reason—and not only has it split suburban white women from their coalition, but it has even split off a chunk of the GOP itself, with the never-Trumpers suddenly becoming a serious factor in the race (even going after the Republican Senate). That chunk may only be 8-10%, but in a 50-50 country, that’s a legit number.

    Nothing is sure until the votes are cast and counted, and we have a lot of work to get the wave election we desperately want and deserve. But the seeds are there for the final coda of the Trump era—the mass electoral annihilation of once-dominant Republican majorities.

    Let’s keep working to make it happen.
     
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  30. BellottiBold

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    This is absolutely essential viewing and if we are to have civics curriculum as a part of schooling in this country it should be included.

    Allowing W's cabinet to slither away into quiet retirement is such an indictment of our fraudulent character
     
  31. Beeds07

    Beeds07 Bitch, it's Saturday
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    I saw something similar this week. The GOP isn't fundamentally broken, nor is America broken because of Trump. They are running exactly the way they were designed to run, you just have a plainer view of how the parts move. They just aren't hidden anymore.
     
  32. *DIESEL*

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  33. Shawn Hunter

    Shawn Hunter Vote Corey Matthews for Congress
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  34. JGator1

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    Did something bad happen to Michael Brooks? Majority Report show ended really cryptically today and from spending 5 minutes on twitter it seems to be about him.
     
  35. Truman

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    Yeah this doesnt look good at all

     
  36. Pile Driving Miss Daisy

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    I saw that they ended very abruptly but they haven't said anything and I thought it might be legal-related stuff.
     
  37. JGator1

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  38. Pile Driving Miss Daisy

    Pile Driving Miss Daisy It angries up the blood
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    FUCK THIS FUCKING YEAR SO GOD DAMN MUCH
     
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  39. electronic

    electronic It’s satire!
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  40. Name P. Redacted

    Name P. Redacted I have no money and I'm also gay
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    Incredible timing with those listener emails jokingly dumping in Michael
     
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  41. steamengine

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    Awful. Really enjoyed his weekly fill in.
     
  42. Truman

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    Wonder what the medical condition was
     
  43. Pile Driving Miss Daisy

    Pile Driving Miss Daisy It angries up the blood
    Donor
    Texas LonghornsAtlanta BravesAtlanta HawksAtlanta FalconsAtlanta UnitedGeorgia Southern Eagles

    Really wondering if he had something coronavirus related.
     
  44. Lyrtch

    Lyrtch My second favorite meat is hamburger
    Staff Donor

    EXTREME CONJECTURE WARNING

    but Hasan was friends with him and the whole Seder crew, said it was a pulmonary embolism, which clotting abnormalities are a corona complication but who knows if it was
     
  45. Pile Driving Miss Daisy

    Pile Driving Miss Daisy It angries up the blood
    Donor
    Texas LonghornsAtlanta BravesAtlanta HawksAtlanta FalconsAtlanta UnitedGeorgia Southern Eagles

    Really fucking depressing regardless. Him and Seder were probably why I started identifying as a leftist.
     
    ashy larry likes this.